Democracy or Surrender: The Case Against Serbian List
Moral Eunuchs in the West, Terror in the Balkans
Municipal elections scheduled for October have once again become a flashpoint in a conflict that never truly ended.
On August 21, Kosovo’s Central Election Commission (CEC)1 refused to certify the Serbian List, the Belgrade-directed party that has dominated Serb politics in Kosovo for a decade. The decision followed the revelation by Vetëvendosje members that many Serbian List candidates simultaneously hold posts in Serbia’s so-called “parallel institutions” in Kosovo, illegal structures long accused of undermining the state.
Two commissioners voted for certification, two against, and seven abstained.
The result: Serbian List blocked.
The response was immediate.
From Prishtina, Justice Minister Albulena Haxhiu called the move “a victory for democracy,” arguing that Serbian List2 is not a civic party but the extended arm of Aleksandar Vucic and Milan Radoicic, the latter having openly admitted to orchestrating the terrorist attack in Banja in September 20233.
From Belgrade, Foreign Minister Marko Djuric denounced the decision as “flagrant political engineering,” accusing4 Kosovo of silencing Serbs.
From the OSCE, came the predictable warning that excluding actors “undermines pluralism” and weakens democracy.
From Washington, concern that Serbs must be allowed to participate fully in elections.
And from Serbian List itself, outrage. Zlatan Ellek, its chairman, branded the decision “illegal and discriminatory,” accusing Prime Minister Albin Kurti of blocking them for political gain. Ellek claimed5 this was revenge for Serbian List’s manoeuvring in parliament, insisting, “We will undertake all legal steps to secure the certification of our candidates for mayors and municipal assemblies.”
Igor Simiq, another senior figure, confirmed that a formal complaint had been prepared for the Election Complaints Commission (ECC). He insisted all Serbian List candidates met legal requirements. And indeed, there is precedent: in the past, ECC has overturned CEC decisions and restored Serbian List to the ballot.
But Serbian List did not stop at Kosovo’s institutions. The very next day, its leaders crossed into Serbia to complain directly6. In Raska, they met Petar Petkovic, head of Belgrade’s so-called “Office for Kosovo.” Petkovic denounced what he called Kurti’s attempt to “ban” Serbs from elections and pledged Belgrade’s support.
That cross-border choreography tells the real story: Serbian List may campaign in Kosovo, but its loyalty lies in Belgrade. Its officials have often held dual posts, one foot in Kosovo’s parliament, another in Serbia’s illegal shadow institutions. Its former deputy leader, Milan Radoicic, admitted leading fifty armed men in the Banja attack, killing one Kosovo police officer. Today he lives freely in Serbia.
So when Kosovo bars Serbian List, it is not excluding a minority voice. It is shutting the door to Belgrade’s Trojan horse.
A Timeline of Escalation
November 2022: Kosovo Serbs, under Belgrade’s orders, boycotted institutions over license plates.
December 2022: Militias attacked election offices. Elections postponed.
Early 2023: Roadblocks multiplied. Intelligence warned Belgrade intended to declare a de facto “autonomous republic” in northern Kosovo. Only Prishtina’s resolve forced Vucic to back down.
March 2023: Brussels and Ohrid talks. Vucic refused to sign agreements, later boasting on Serbian TV that he would not implement them. The EU and U.S. turned a blind eye, but pressed Kosovo to compromise.
May 2023: Serbian mobs attacked NATO soldiers in Zvecan. KFOR confirmed three wounded. Intelligence sources say far more were hit, bullets lodged in body armour. Belgrade faced no consequences.
June 2023: Three Kosovo police officers disappeared while patrolling near the border. Prishtina said they were kidnapped on its territory. Belgrade claimed they crossed illegally. Under U.S., EU, and NATO pressure, a Serbian court freed them two weeks later.
September 24, 2023: Over fifty armed men stormed Banja. A Kosovo police officer, Afrim Bunjaku, was killed. Radoicic admitted leading the attack. He remains in Serbia, untouched. The West scolded Prishtina for “escalation.”
June 2024: Kosovo police seized weapons, claiming they foiled another terror plot.
November 2024: A major explosion struck the Ibër-Lepenc canal in Zubin Potok7, vital for Kosovo’s electricity and water supply. That same month, two grenades were thrown at police and municipal buildings in Zvecan. Kurti blamed gangs “organised and led by Serbia,” tied to Radoicic. Eight suspects were arrested; explosives, rocket launchers, and uniforms seized. The U.S., EU, and NATO condemned the attack but stopped short of blaming Belgrade. The U.S. Embassy stressed there was “no evidence yet” directly linking Serbia, with the FBI still investigating.
The pattern is clear: Serbia escalates, Kosovo responds, and the West points the finger at Kosovo.
The Brutal Truth
Brussels, Berlin, Paris, London, and Washington are not defending democracy in Kosovo8. They are appeasing Belgrade9.
Vucic has refused to sanction Russia. He buys Chinese arms, Iranian drones, and French Rafales10. He hosts Wagner recruitment centers in Belgrade. He shelters terrorists while cracking down on Russian dissidents. He aligns openly with Moscow, Beijing, and Tehran.
Yet Brussels, Berlin, Paris, London, and Washington persist in treating him as a partner. They demand that Kosovo “de-escalate,” that it rerun elections boycotted under Belgrade’s orders, that it withdraw police from sovereign territory.
This is not diplomacy. It is complicity.
And Kosovo’s own political class?
Just as guilty.
PDK abstains. LDK abstains. AAK abstains. They cloak their paralysis in the language of “institutional procedure” and “pluralism.” They know Serbian List is Belgrade’s long arm. They know it corrodes Kosovo’s sovereignty from within. And yet they choose neutrality.
Neutrality in the face of sabotage is collaboration.
For two decades, these parties looted the country, hollowed its institutions, and tolerated Belgrade’s proxies in power. They abstain not out of principle but self-interest: because a truly sovereign, democratic Kosovo would expose their corruption.
Their abstentions are betrayal. Their talk of democracy is camouflage.
Kosovo is standing alone, defending its sovereignty not only against Belgrade’s aggression but against the abdication of its own parties and the hypocrisy of its so-called allies.
The Gunpowder Chronicles takes its stance without apology: the Serbian List must be removed, permanently, from Kosovo’s institutions. It is not a political party but a terrorist front. Its enablers, in Belgrade, in Prishtina, and in Western capitals, must be held to account. Those who abstain, who equivocate, who call sabotage “pluralism” they are moral eunuchs, dressing paralysis in the language of principle while abandoning their people to terror.
History will not forgive Brussels, Berlin, Paris, London, or Washington for their complicity. Appeasement of Belgrade will not bring peace. It will bring war.
And when the next Banja, the next Srebrenica, the next Crimea erupts, they will not be able to plead ignorance. Only complicity.
Kosovo is still standing. But the question is: for how long, if its allies and its own political class continue to betray it?
The Gunpowder Chronicles calls on all who claim to defend democracy to prove it. Remove Serbian List. Hold every moral eunuch who endorsed terror accountable. Anything less is surrender dressed up as diplomacy.
US, EU and the UK Legitimising Terror in Kosovo
In the name of democracy, the United States, the European Union, and the so-called Quint powers have chosen to trample on its very foundations. Their latest defence of “Serbian List” the Belgrade-controlled proxy party implicated in armed terrorism against the Republic of Kosovo, marks a staggering act of hypocrisy. By insisting that this organisation, whose leaders have orchestrated
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