Klan Kosova Collapse in Twenty Eight Minutes
Klan Kosova disgraced itself. Blakaj told the truth. Bajrami mocked it. Morina exploited it. The result was a studio broadcast dripping with cowardice corruption and ethical collapse.
On Thursday 4 December 2025 in a studio at Klan Kosova something small and precise and ugly played out in twenty eight minutes of television1. It was the kind of moment that usually vanishes into the daily churn of chatter shows. This time the tape lingers because an analyst insisted on ethics while the television station insisted on spectacle. The clash was brief. The indictment of the broadcaster was total.
On the programme Kosova Today independent analyst Korab Blakaj did something that almost no one in Kosovo media now dares to do on air. He drew a line. Calmly and without theatrics he said that under the ethical code of journalism in Kosovo the invited guest had no right to be in that studio. He reminded the moderator and the viewers that the man was convicted for incitement of religious hatred in 2021 and arrested by the police of Kosovo. He added that during the nineteen eighties the same man served time in prison in Gjakova for killing the son of his own brother. Then he did the one thing that gives those words real weight. He refused to share the set with him.
He did not present this as gossip or personal enmity. He grounded it in public record and in the code that is meant to guide the media. He noted that Klan Kosova itself had previously reported on part of this record. The message was clear. If a television station knows that a man has been arrested on suspicion of inciting religious hatred through his published work and knows that he carries an extremely serious allegation in his past then giving him the status of analyst in studio is not normalisation. It is an endorsement.
The moderator did not treat it that way. Instead of pausing the programme and asking the obvious questions she reached instinctively for a bureaucratic shield. She asked whether there was a court decision that the same person should not be seen on television. It was a narrow legalism dressed up as professionalism. Unless a judge has physically barred this man from the airwaves she implied there is no ethical ground to deny him a chair and a microphone.
That question tells the whole story. It pretends that journalism is a passive service that simply follows court orders. It pretends that the code of ethics is a decorative pamphlet and not a set of obligations. It empties the newsroom of moral agency and leaves the profession as little more than a technical relay of whoever walks through the door. If the judiciary has not forbidden it then the broadcaster is free of responsibility. That is the mentality of a station that has forgotten what it means to act in the public interest.
Blakaj responded in the only honest way available. He offered a choice. Either the man leaves the show or he will leave. It was not a diva gesture. It was a clear statement that he would not be used as a prop to legitimise someone with a record of inciting hatred. The accused guest responded with the bravado of a man who has learned that television rewards shamelessness. He told him to go. The air of the studio grew thick with the familiar mix of smirk and menace that passes for debate in captured media.
Then came the moderator again with the reflex of a minor courtier. She (Jehona Bajrami) reminded Blakaj that he does not decide who is in the studio. She and her team decide. On the first part of his objection she said she wanted more clarification. On the second she said this was a private matter and she did not want to deal with it. In a single breath she managed to claim institutional prerogative over the guest list and to dismiss a question of public ethics as a personal quarrel.
Blakaj refused that framing. He said this is not a private issue. Killers should not appear in studios in Kosovo. He added that only in the case where the perpetrator has made a full and public repentance could there be room for such an appearance. Otherwise such people should not be invited. This was an attempt to introduce the basic idea that public platforms confer moral weight and that television carries a special responsibility when it touches cases of violence and hate.
The moderator brushed past it with an elegant little word. Continue. The suggestion was that the boring part is over and the show can resume its play. It was the sound of a gate closing on accountability.
The context that Blakaj cited is not obscure. Reports from Albinfo2 and from Klan Kosova3 itself describe how poet and commentator Gjin Morina published a book titled Bubullime ne shpirt in which he calls for the destruction of mosques across Albanian speaking territories and does so while invoking the late Albanian leader Enver Hoxha. Police arrested him on suspicion of inciting religious hatred and seized copies of the book while he was travelling back toward Austria. He was held while investigations continued. These are matters of record not whispers from some shadowy corner of social media.
This does not mean that Morina has no right to speak in public ever again. It does mean that any serious television station has a duty to treat him with extreme caution. At a minimum the audience should be told clearly who he is what he has written and why his presence raises ethical questions. An honest broadcaster would interrogate him with rigour about his book and his past. Klan Kosova chose to crown him as an analyst and to bristle not at his record but at the mere suggestion that his presence in that role is unacceptable.
This choice did not happen in a vacuum. It sits perfectly within the wider pattern that has already been documented about this outlet. Klan Kosova is not some naive provincial station that just happens to stumble into mistakes. It is a polished commercial machine owned by the Devolli brothers powerful businessmen whose interests stretch across many sectors of the economy. Investigations have shown that the station systematically suppresses coverage that might harm the reputation of those interests4. Regulatory pressure is recast as persecution. Journalistic scrutiny of oligarchic power is inverted into a story of heroic businessmen under threat5.
Within that structure moderators like Jehona Bajrami are not simply presenters. They are frontline operatives of an editorial culture that treats the public sphere as a place to shape narratives in favour of patrons. Her now notorious interview with James Rubin already exposed this tendency in miniature6. In that programme she did not try to understand The Hague court or to test Rubin with serious questions. She tried to turn him into an instrument that would undermine the Specialist Chambers and delegitimise Prime Minister Albin Kurti in the eyes of viewers.
Her method was simple and lethal. She loaded her questions with conspiracy. She asked whether the United States had threatened Kosovo over the creation of the special court. She repeated the claim that the arrest warrant for Hashim Thaci was a partisan act by American democrats. She pressed Rubin to say that Kurti had damaged relations with Washington and asked whether a country should maybe change the people who govern it if a politician defies America. This is not curiosity. It is political theatre. The court in The Hague became a trap. The government in Prishtina became a problem to be erased.
Rubin refused to step into the role she prepared for him. He insisted that he has no mandate to tell Kosovars who should govern them. He defended the independence of the court. Yet the poison remained in the framing. Viewers were invited again and again to see justice as a partisan project and their own elected leader as an obstacle for foreign allies. Bajrami had used the set not as a place of illumination but as a stage for pressure.
Seen against that background her attitude in Kosova Today is entirely consistent. When the courts are an inconvenience to her preferred political camp she treats them as illegitimate. When a guest raises the written code of ethics she hides behind the courts she earlier tried to undermine. When Rubin warns about the danger of collective blame she happily pushes narratives of persecution. When Blakaj warns about the danger of platforming hatred she dismisses him as meddling in guest selection. The through line is not principle. It is utility.
Klan Kosova has been identified by a report of the European Parliament as one of the principal vectors of disinformation in Kosovo. That report did not appear from nowhere. It reflected years of warped coverage in which this station repeatedly amplified narratives that cast Kosovo as unstable incompetent and unworthy of trust while treating the interests of its owners and their allies as untouchable. It gave space to Kremlin friendly talking points about the region. It turned journalism into a soft weapon pointed at the institutions of its own republic.
In that sense the presence of someone like Gjin Morina as an analyst on Klan Kosova is not an accident. It is an inevitability. A station that dresses up oligarchic public relations as reporting a station that stages drama from Gaza with staged bravado7 and careless use of the term terrorist without context a station that bends over backwards to sanitise the image of its owners will naturally see no problem in giving a polished seat to a man whose writing calls for the destruction of places of worship. Hatred is not a glitch in such an ecosystem. It is content.
Kosova Today is a revealing title. It suggests immediacy and relevance. In reality the show offers something else. It offers an image of a country in which ethics are optional and in which the only real taboo is to name that fact on air. The moment Blakaj did so he was treated like a nuisance. The moderator wanted clarification not of the serious allegations but of why he was disrupting the flow. The private public distinction was wielded like a shield. Violence is private. Incitement is private. The only public matter is the smooth continuation of the format.
One can argue that those who have served sentences or faced charges deserve the possibility of reintegration into public life. That argument has weight when it is grounded in remorse and accountability. It requires that the person acknowledges the harm caused and takes responsibility for it. Nothing in the conduct described suggests that such a reckoning has taken place in this case. Instead of seeking that reckoning Klan Kosova simply skipped the difficult part and offered rehabilitated status for free. Their only real discomfort arose when someone in studio objected.
This is why the figure of Korab Blakaj stands out so sharply in this otherwise grey landscape. He did not try to score partisan points. He referenced the code of ethics that should bind all broadcasters. He cited the station own previous reporting. He put his own presence on the line by offering to leave rather than legitimise what he saw as an ethical breach. In a media environment saturated with hired guns and loyal mouthpieces this refusal is a rare act of professional self respect.
It is precisely that kind of stance that people like Bajrami treat as an offence. For them the ideal guest is not the independent analyst but the obedient performer. The ideal show is not a clash of ideas but a controlled pageant in which the moderator nudges the conversation toward a predetermined conclusion while maintaining the thin veneer of neutrality. The ideal journalist is not the one who exposes power but the one who understands which interests must never be troubled.
In this light the exchange in that studio on 4 December reads less like a random quarrel and more like a small revolt. A single analyst reminded the station that its own ethical code still exists that its own archives still carry evidence of hate filled writing and that its editorial power carries a moral cost. The station responded in exactly the way a captured media outlet responds. It closed ranks around its format. It protected the spectacle. It treated ethics as an irritant to be brushed aside.
Klan Kosova has already been accused in detail of serving as a gilded bunker for oligarchs rather than as a forum for citizens. It has already been shown that it censors stories that might harm its owners and that it manufactures narratives to inflate their importance. It has already been caught staging shallow drama from war zones and undermining international courts through loaded interviews. Against that background the decision to platform a man associated with religious hatred while dismissing ethical objections is not surprising. It is simply one more exhibit.
The tragedy is that this kind of practice does not only damage one station reputation. It corrodes public life. Every time Klan Kosova treats hatred as content rather than as a problem it teaches viewers that nothing is sacred. Every time a moderator like Bajrami uses a foreign guest as a stick with which to beat domestic institutions it tells citizens that their own democracy is malleable and expendable. Every time ethical objections are waved away with a polite continue it signals to young journalists that courage will be punished and obedience rewarded.
Kosovo was built at a very high price. Its media space was supposed to be one of the places where that sacrifice is honoured through rigorous truth telling. Instead outlets like Klan Kosova have turned that space into an echo chamber of oligarchic vanity and manufactured outrage. On that Thursday in December the mask slipped for a moment. Viewers were able to see the mechanics exposed. An analyst tried to drag the conversation back to ethics. The station reacted as if someone had cut the music at a party.
The footage will age badly for Klan Kosova. For Blakaj it will stand as evidence that at least one person in that studio still understood what journalism is meant to protect. Not the comfort of a guest. Not the vanity of an owner. Not the theatre of a moderator who loves the sound of her own loaded questions. Journalism exists to protect the public from exactly the kind of poison that Klan Kosova so eagerly bottles and distributes.
If Kosovo media wishes to recover any measure of credibility it will need many more moments like the stand that Korab Blakaj took and far fewer displays of shamelessness like the one offered by that moderator. Until then Klan Kosova will remain what its behaviour reveals. Not a guardian of public interest but a house in which ethics are invited only when they agree to sit quietly and never speak.
The Gutierrez Habit of Talking Over Reality
Ricardo Gutierrez has become the loudest voice in a choir no one asked for. He storms into the Kosovo debate with the certainty of a man who has never questioned his own script. He condemns a politician for sharp language then hurls his own insult at an entire movement with casual arrogance. It is not leadership. It is not principle. It is performance without integrity.
‘Është faji jonë’ - Kisha ORTODOKSE në UP ndez debat: A duhet të RRËNOHET? — KLAN Kosova.
I sekuestrohen libra dhe arrestohet poeti Gjin Morina për nxitje të urrejtjes fetare (VIDEO) — KLAN Kosova.
Journalism Is Dead. Klan Kosova Pulled the Trigger.
Klan Kosova isn’t a media outlet. It’s a gilded bunker for oligarchs masquerading as journalists, waging war on truth while prostituting public trust. — The GPC Media Watch.
Debunking Shkëlqim Devolli’s Grandiose Claims
From CIA briefings to NATO advocacy, Shkëlqim Devolli’s fantastical claims unravel as a hollow PR stunt disguised as statesmanship. — The GPC Media Watch.
Undermining Justice, Attacking Democracy: The Rubin Interview as Political Theatre
Klan Kosova’s Rubin interview exposed journalism weaponised: loaded questions sought to undermine The Hague and delegitimise Albin Kurti, coercing narratives instead of pursuing truth. — The GPC Media Watch.
Raportimi i Keq nga Izraeli: Një Tradhti ndaj të Vërtetës dhe Profesionit Gazetaresk
Raportimi i KLAN Kosova për konfliktin në Gaza shfaq papërgjegjshmëri gazetareske, duke zbuluar anësi dhe mungesë etike, një tradhti ndaj të vërtetës dhe njollë në profesionin e gazetarisë. — The GPC Media Watch.