The Envoy Who Shrinks Democracy

Ambassador Jörn Rohde has turned diplomacy into a theatre of diminishment, disguising appeasement as stability, undermining sovereignty, and teaching Kosovars to doubt their own democracy.

On a warm autumn morning in Prishtina, where cafés spill onto boulevards and the chatter of a young, restless democracy fills the air, the German flag hangs quietly above its embassy compound. To many Kosovars, Germany symbolises a hard-won ally: a champion of European values, a country that stood against Milosevic’s brutality, and an engine of Europe’s integration project. But inside the walls of that mission, a paradox is unfolding.

For five years, Germany’s ambassador, Jorn Rohde, has been among the most vocal foreign voices in Kosovo. His interventions—frequent, polished, and wrapped in the rhetoric of stability, land with the force of diplomatic pronouncements. But to a growing number of Kosovars, those pronouncements sound less like counsel and more like a campaign: undermining elected institutions, shielding Serbia from accountability, and shaping narratives in ways that corrode public trust.

This is the story of how a mission sent to bolster democracy now stands accused of eroding it.

A Diplomacy of Diminishment

Since his arrival in 2020, Rohde has rarely missed an opportunity to weigh in on Kosovo’s politics. In the fragile months following local elections in 2023, when Serbian-backed paramilitaries launched a Kremlin-style incursion into northern Kosovo¹, Rohde’s message was not a condemnation of Belgrade but a reproach of Prishtina. He called on mayors lawfully elected, however imperfectly to vacate their municipal offices² in the name of “making democracy better.” He urged the withdrawal of special police³ units from state buildings⁴, in effect stripping Kosovo of its ability to enforce sovereignty on its own territory.

The paradox was glaring. At the very moment Serbia rehearsed Russia’s Crimea playbook in Banjska, the German envoy’s focus was on curbing Kosovo’s government. To critics, this was less about stability than appeasement an indulgence of Belgrade’s designs at the expense of Kosovo’s fragile institutions.

The pattern repeated itself. When parliamentary paralysis set in, Rohde suggested⁵ legislators “change teams.” When police conducted arrests, he hinted they should refrain. Each statement, delivered in the familiar register of European diplomacy, chipped away at the idea that Kosovars could trust their own courts, their own votes, their own institutions. It was not brute interference but something subtler: a diplomacy of diminishment, eroding sovereignty not through diktat but through doubt.

The Bridge That Won’t Reopen

In Kosovo’s north, division is not a metaphor but a piece of infrastructure. The Ibër Bridge in Mitrovica, closed since NATO’s arrival in 1999, stands as a barricade of steel and silence, a physical scar on a city where Albanians live to the south and Serbs to the north. For twenty-five years, it has remained sealed, guarded, its reopening postponed in the name of “security conditions.”⁶

Kosovo’s government insists the time has come. Prime Minister Albin Kurti proposed a meticulous plan: risk assessments, engineering tests, public communication campaigns⁷. His argument was simple: freedom of movement is not a provocation but a right. To open the bridge, he said, would be to close a chapter of division.

And yet the Quint, Germany among them, has blocked every attempt⁸. The German ambassador, Jorn Rohde, has perfected the art of turning principle into paradox. On 16 August 2025, appearing on Klan Kosova’s Info Magazine⁹, he was asked again about the bridge. His words carried the dissonance that has become his hallmark:

“Duhet shtensionim e jo tensionim, keni zgjedhje lokale së shpejti... do të ishte më e rëndësishme të zgjidheshin tollovitë në qarkullim rrugor përreth Vushtrrisë sesa të ndërtohen dy ura... pasi të hapen këto dy ura në shtator, ura kryesore ku është vendosur KFOR-i për vite me radhë do të mbetet vetëm si një relikë e historisë.” | 🇬🇧 “What we need is de-escalation, not escalation, you have local elections coming soon... it would be more important to resolve the daily traffic jams around Vushtrri than to build two bridges... once these two bridges are opened in September, the main bridge where KFOR has been stationed for years will remain only as a relic of history.”

Translation was hardly necessary; the message was plain. The division of Mitrovica was reduced to a matter of traffic congestion. Freedom of movement, long denied, was recast as secondary to easing commutes near Vushtrri. The bridge that had come to symbolise Kosovo’s incomplete sovereignty was, in Rohde’s telling, a “relic” something best left to KFOR’s management, not Kosovo’s.

The brutality of the statement lay in its casualness. For Germans, the fall of the Berlin Wall remains a sacred moment: the concrete barrier torn down by citizens, the reunification of a divided nation, the triumph of freedom over authoritarianism. Rohde himself invoked that memory at anniversary events, solemnly declaring, “Freedom can never be taken for granted.” Yet in Mitrovica, when faced with a wall of his own, he trivialised it into a traffic nuisance and deferred sovereignty to foreign troops.

The contrast could not be starker. In Berlin, tearing down walls was democracy. In Kosovo, keeping one closed is “de-escalation.” The German envoy who should have been the first to demand its reopening has become its most articulate apologist. For Kosovars, the symbolism is bitter: Germany’s own freedom was once measured in the fall of a wall. Their freedom, under Rohde, is measured in the patience to live with one.

VIDEO: US President Reagan's famous call: 'Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.'

Endorsing Disinformation

If Germany’s stance on the bridge has drawn accusations of betrayal, its posture on media freedom has inspired charges of outright hypocrisy.

At the centre is Flutura Kusari, legal officer for the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) and a recipient of Germany’s Federal Order of Merit¹⁰. The embassy has repeatedly endorsed her, celebrating her as a defender of free expression. But when Kusari filed a criminal complaint¹¹ against a Kosovar citizen, Mentor Llugaliu, for online criticism a case prosecutors twice dismissed as baseless, her actions looked less like defending free speech than punishing it. She then orchestrated international endorsements to pressure the judiciary, and when the case collapsed, she publicly named and shamed prosecutors¹².

Faced with this evidence, the Gunpowder Chronicles sent the German Embassy a detailed set of ten questions. They were not abstract queries but concrete points:

• Did the embassy consider Kusari’s complaint a SLAPP?

• Did it recognise naming prosecutors as judicial intimidation?

• Would it tolerate the same behaviour from a foreign-backed activist in Berlin?

• Did it believe Kusari’s ties to Kosovo’s oligarchic Devolli network compromised her integrity?

• And most pressingly: would Germany reassess her Federal Order of Merit in light of conduct that undermined the very principles it honoured?

The reply was a masterpiece of evasion. On 8 August 2025, the embassy wrote back:

“Our assessment of the matter with regard to Ms. Kusari’s dedication to improve legislation and defend freedom of expression differs from yours. While we respect your perspective, we continue to stand by our previously stated position.”

No question was answered. No allegation was engaged. When pressed again, the embassy repeated itself word for word. By 14 August, after three follow-ups, the position had hardened into studied arrogance: a refusal to address specifics, a mantra of “we differ.”

The irony was brutal. The embassy had itself posted publicly on 21 June, declaring there could be “no press freedom where media voices are harassed,” a post¹³ that explicitly linked Llugaliu to “misogynistic abuse” while his case was still under investigation. By 1 July, Kosovo’s prosecutors had dismissed the matter entirely, finding no harassment, no intimidation, no crime. The embassy had effectively prejudged guilt, taking sides in a private legal dispute, and refused to retract when the judiciary cleared the accused.

To every direct question, whether it recognised the harm, whether it would issue a correction, whether it would remove the post, whether it understood the principle of presumption of innocence, the embassy offered nothing. Silence where there should have been accountability. Loyalty where there should have been distance.

For Kosovars, the message was unmistakable. Germany’s embassy would celebrate dissent so long as it suited its narrative. But when dissent exposed flaws in its chosen allies, it would look away, deny, and dismiss. In endorsing Kusari uncritically, the embassy had not defended press freedom but endorsed its weaponisation, backing the use of international prestige to intimidate prosecutors, vilify critics, and protect entrenched oligarchs.

It was, in the purest sense, disinformation dressed as advocacy. And when confronted, Germany’s mission chose arrogance over introspection.

Silence and Complicity

The pattern extended beyond personalities. When the Western-funded NGO S Bunker hosted Elvira Kovac¹⁴, a pro-Orbán, pro-Putin Serbian politician, the move was widely condemned as a violation of democratic principles. Kovac used the platform to criticise Kosovo’s government and echo Kremlin talking points. Germany, among S Bunker’s funders, remained silent.

When Serbia armed Milan Radoicic’s men for their September 2023 incursion, Germany pressed Prishtina to show restraint¹⁵. When Kosovo dismantled parallel institutions in the north¹⁶, illegal remnants of Belgrade’s control, the embassy framed it as provocation¹⁷.

Time and again, Germany’s mission spoke loudly when Kosovo acted to defend sovereignty and softly, if at all, when Serbia or its allies advanced narratives of division.

The Engineering of Consent

The cumulative effect is corrosive. What begins as “advice” on de-escalation becomes a pattern of paternalism. What is described as support for media freedom becomes selective endorsement of disinformation. What is framed as “concern for stability” becomes tolerance of Serbia’s creeping influence.

In the words of Edward Bernays, propaganda thrives by “engineering consent.” Germany’s embassy, through its statements, its silences, and its alliances, has become part of that machinery in Kosovo. It engineers doubt in democratic institutions, lends cover to figures who manipulate press freedom, and sustains divisions that serve Belgrade far more than Prishtina.

A Betrayal of Principles

The paradox is painful. Germany, a nation that embodies Europe’s triumph over division, finds its envoy accused of upholding division in Kosovo. A state that champions rule of law stands accused of weakening it. A government that prizes press freedom has backed its distortion.

For Kosovars, the consequences are not abstract. Each intervention shapes how citizens perceive their institutions, whether they trust the ballot box¹⁸, whether they believe their judiciary is independent¹⁹, whether they think sovereignty is real or conditional. The embassy’s posture, critics say, has turned partnership into paternalism, undermining precisely the freedoms it claims to nurture.

In Prishtina’s cafes, the talk often circles back to the same bitter irony: Germany celebrates tearing down walls at home while guarding them abroad.

The Unfinished Struggle

Kosovo’s struggle for democracy has never been easy. From the barricades of 1999 to the assassinations of activists, politicians, prosecutors, and journalists, to the stranglehold of corrupt warlords, its path has been long, bloody, and deliberately sabotaged. For twenty years, the country was carved up by mafias in suits and generals in politics, while Western patrons looked the other way. Only now, at last has a reformist leadership²⁰ dared to confront entrenched crime, dismantle Belgrade’s parallel structures, and defend press freedom from oligarchic capture..

Yet at this very moment, Germany’s mission seems intent on pulling the other way. Its words and silences, its choices of allies and causes, have left Kosovars wondering: whose side is Berlin really on?

The answer matters not only for Kosovo but for Europe itself. For if the continent cannot uphold sovereignty, rule of law, and democratic dignity in its smallest, newest republic, what does that say about its promise to protect them anywhere else?

On the boulevards of Prishtina, the flags of independence still fly. But beneath them lies a quieter question, one now directed as much to Germany as to Serbia: will Kosovo’s democracy be allowed to grow, or will it be forever managed, diminished, and doubted into silence?

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1. One Year After Banjska: The West’s Role in Serbia’s Balkan Escalation

One year after the Banjska attacks, Serbia's aggression and Western appeasement continue to destabilise Kosovo, raising questions about regional security and international accountability. — The GPC Balkan Watch.

2. Rohde: The CSM is an obligation of Kosovo; we expect that it will be continued in the direction of de-escalation — Kosovo Online.

3. "The measures announced by the EU and reflected by the federal government are reversible at any time. But for this we need to see the moves of the Kosovo Government, to de-escalate the situation in the north. For this, the EU presented a three-point plan: Withdrawal of the Kosovo Police, as well as of all elected municipal mayors, from municipal administration buildings. Two mayors, in Zubin Potok and Zvecan, are already working 'remotely' and show that it works. New elections in four northern municipalities with full participation of Kosovo Serbs. Constructive engagement of Kosovo and Serbia in dialogue with the mediation of the EU and the establishment of the Community of Serb-majority Municipalities is explicitly included here," Rohde said in an interview with the Albanian Post, as quoted by Kosovo Online.

4. Kosovo police units withdraw from Serb municipalities — A News.

5. 55 failed attempts, Rohde – VV's: Maybe it's time to change teams — GExpress.

6. Quint Ambassadors Bow to Serbian Autocracy

The Quint ambassadors' stance on the Ibar Bridge betrays Kosovo's sovereignty, exposing their timidity and alignment with autocrats. Kosovo must assert its independence. — The GPC Balkan Watch.

7. Calls Grow to Reopen Kosovo’s Divided Bridge

At Mitrovica’s bridge, freedom halts. A structure meant to unite is now a scar of division, a quiet indictment of Europe’s failure to reconcile its periphery — The GPC Balkan Watch.

8. The Bridge That Europe Left Closed

Thirty-five years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Kosovo's Mitrovica Bridge stands as a damning symbol of Western betrayal and their capitulation to Kremlin-aligned Serbia's autocratic loyalties. — The GPC Balkan Watch.

9. Rohde: Më mirë të zgjidhej trafiku në hyrje të Vushtrrisë, sesa të ndërtohen dy ura mbi Ibër — KLAN Kosova.

10. Press Release - Dr. Flutura Kusari receives the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany — German Embassy, Prishtina, Kosovo.

The Anatomy of a Hypocrisy

11. If Kusari’s job is to protect freedom of speech, her actions against Llugaliu represent a betrayal of that mission. Her response⁵ to the court’s dismissal of her case was not measured or reflective. It was combative, accusatory, and designed to cast doubt on the integrity of the judiciary. — The GPC I Unit.

12. The Advocate Who Intimidates: Flutura Kusari’s War on Prosecutors

By naming prosecutors and silencing critics, Flutura Kusari of ECPMF doesn’t fight for press freedom, she tramples it under ego, ambition, and the shadow of the Devolli empire. — The GPC Media Watch.

13. German Embassy in Prishtina Facebook Post June 21, 2025.

14. US-Funded NGO Sparks Outrage by Hosting Pro-Putin Politician

In a controversial move, US-funded Kosovo-based NGO S Bunker interviewed pro-Putin politician Elvira Kovac, undermining Kosovo’s leadership and violating US-Kosovo agreements. — The GPC Media Watch.

15. EU and US envoys urge Kosovo and Serbia to resume dialogue in order to defuse tensions — AP.

16. Serbia's Parallel Structures Fall in Kosovo

Kosovo ends Serbia's shadow governance, enforcing its sovereignty. The world hesitates, will principles of statehood prevail, or does appeasing Belgrade continue to trump international law? — The GPC Balkan Watch.

17. German Embassy: Closing institutions without prior agreement may negatively affect the lives of Kosovo Serbs — Kosovo Online.

18. February Elections: Will Kosovo’s Opposition Find Its Voice?

With elections in Kosovo set for February 9, 2025, the clock is ticking — just 147 days from now. Kosovo faces a critical decision. — The GPC Balkan Watch.

19. Kosovo’s Chief Prosecutor, Serbia’s Best Ally?

Radoicic confessed to terrorism. Isufaj enabled his escape. Then blamed “independent prosecutors” and “higher instances.” Justice didn’t stall, it was sabotaged. — The GPC Politics.

20. How to Topple a Reformer Without Firing a Shot

Kosovo’s Prime Minister resigned to follow the law. His enemies used it to break the system. In the void, a coup bloomed quiet, legal, lethal. — The GPC Politics.